During recent Reform UK press conferences, two very distinctive heads can often be seen in the front row: the near-white locks of party policy chief Danny Kruger and the styled blond hair of James Orr.
Beyond shaping the policy programme for what could be the UK’s next government, the duo share another trait in common. Each is a deeply committed believer who came to religion in adulthood, and hold trenchant views on social issues such as reproductive rights and the family.
Kruger, an MP, who switched allegiance from the Conservatives, and Orr, a Cambridge academic, are members of the steering committee of a conservative policy group called the Alliance for Responsible Citizenship.
Another member is Paul Marshall, the investment tycoon who controls GB News and the conservative Spectator magazine. He is also a practising Christian.
“Faith, particularly evangelical Christianity, has in recent decades been a key characteristic of US rightwing politics,” its followers providing the core of Donald Trump’s support.
Parallels do exist. Orr is sufficiently close to JD Vance that he has hosted him at his private residence. Orr is also active in the National Conservatism movement, which has ties to the American faith-based populist world.
But any closer comparisons soon fall down due to a basic issue of numbers. While polling shows that close to a quarter of US adults are evangelical Christians, the proportion for the UK is roughly one-tenth of that at the very most.
There is another crucial element to take into account. While US evangelicals lean firmly to the right, new polling by the UK’s Evangelical Alliance indicate the wider picture in Britain is markedly distinct.
A poll of nearly 1,500 evangelicals places Labour in the first place with 26% support. The Reform party and Liberal Democrats are tied on 20%, with the Conservatives on 18%.
Further polling demonstrate backing from evangelicals for more generous welfare payments, but also concerted alarm about plans to legalise assisted dying.
“Among evangelicals there can be a gap between opinions, particularly regarding social issues, and how people cast their ballot,” said one advocacy head. “As an instance, someone might have a firm stance on abortion, but they do not view voting as a way to lead to change.”
Evangelism does exist in parliament, including all-party faith-based meetings. But it is a phenomenon also of the political left, with figures like Kruger countered by the Lib Dem Tim Farron and the Labour MP Rachael Maskell.
Maskell is explicit about how faith shapes her politics, especially concerning issues such as poverty.
“Moral justice was ‘a big part’ of the party's ethos,” she stated. “It stems from our foundations, how we think about disparity in society, making sure we have a fair framework.”
Nonetheless, there exists a different and newer side to religion in UK politics, one influenced by US concepts of religious nationalism.
The activist Tommy Robinson has begun to present himself as explicitly Christian, although much of this is done as a contrast to Islam.
Similarly, Nick Tenconi, who leads the UK outpost of Turning Point, posts social media messaging about the country needing to “re-embrace Christianity” alongside anti-Muslim content.
One striking display of this, a Turning Point-allied nationalist Christian group called King’s Army marched in formation through Soho, a location apparently selected as it is the centre of London’s LGBT community.
All this remains, however, relatively marginal in UK politics. While critics sometimes depict certain figures as financial backers of US-style evangelism, friends maintain they are simply observant believers who are firmly against any politicisation of faith.
He has been not shy of sometimes unconventional language, for example using a speech to censure what he said was a younger generation indoctrinated by a blend of ideologies.
“In the UK you do have some Christian nationalists, but when it comes to politics it more often be a sort of longing for a Christian past, linked to our historic identity,” said one commentator.
A parliamentarian of faith with conservative views noted that while the issue of assisted dying had helped bring together MPs with faith, any connections beyond that felt limited.
“I do not get the sense of much of an organized faith-based lobby,” they said. “In my view, my faith is more a basis for what I personally hold. And here, religion is not really a vote winner.”
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